The month of May is always a stormy season in academia: exams to grade and papers to read, the usual wishing the students on their way, with some taking the big/little step of graduation. For me, the end of May also has come to mean packing bags and heading back home to Istanbul and Tel Aviv. This year, however, is a bit different. I will be heading back for 14 months, and start to tackle the book project, which I talked about in my previous blog.
Upon landing in Istanbul, I will be participating in the Hrant Dink Memorial Workshop, at Sabanci University, where I will be presenting a paper entitled: Remnants of the Past/Present: Jews, Greeks, and Armenians, as Historical/Living Artifacts. This paper was previously presented in a conference in New York last year, and since then I have been working on developing the theoretical side. Far from my field of Ottoman Palestine, this paper began while working with the Bezalel School of Arts in Israel, when I accompanied a group of architecture students studying under the direction of Professor Senan Abdelqader to Istanbul. For this, I began to investigate historical issues connecting Ottoman Jerusalem with Istanbul. It is exciting project, and once published I will post it –or at least the information where to find it.
Of course, this long introduction is basically explaining why I have not submitted a blog entry for little over a month. However, once over there, I will start sharing more stories with you about Turkey and Israel branching out and focusing on human interest stories, in addition to the political analysis.
The fact that I have not been writing does not mean that exciting things are not happening. In Turkey, the head of the opposition party, the CHP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi), Deniz Baykal has stepped down following a sex-scandal that was caught on tape. It must be stated that this comes to a relief to many who had wished he would have stepped down years ago as he never conjured up enough votes during the last 5 terms to become Prime Minister. If all goes as planned, the future leader of the party Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu will prove to be a real competitor to the the AKP and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. There is no doubt that the AKP monopoly, which has lasted almost 8 years, needs to come to an end. For more on the moderate candidate who has the chance of breathing new life into the CHP see the following link: http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/n.php?n=gandhi-kemal-a-symbol-of-decent-politics-2010-05-19
As for Israel, I guess the biggest non-surprise yet pathetic move was blocking Noam Chomsky from entering the Palestinian territories to give a lecture. If they are interested in limiting efforts to start world boycotts, the Israeli government best get their act together and reinstate the basic human rights every democracy prides itself in: freedom of speech and expression. Blocking Chomsky is a cheap move and will only exacerbate relations between Israel and educational institutes abroad (and in Israel for that fact). This is just another case of limiting entry to people who are outspoken of Israeli politics and the occupation and is quite worrying to say the least.
Wishing everyone a nice and safe summer,
Louis
Named after the three cities I live in, this blog will focus on Israeli, Palestinian, and Turkish politics and social issues. In addition, I will periodically cover other topics related to the Middle East.
Thursday, May 20, 2010
Saturday, April 17, 2010
Israel’s Sixty Second Independence Day
When I first immigrated to Israel in 1988, I celebrated the 40 anniversary of the State. I was living in an immigrant home and would soon be joining the army. During those years, many of us really believed that peace was possible. Together with others in the political left, we fought for a country that would free themselves from occupying a whole people and demanded that Israel recognize the Palestinian Liberation Organization. It was these dreams that kept me sane during the First Intifada, where I served in areas surrounding Bethlehem and Hebron.
I remember when the Oslo Accords were declared and how hopeful so many of us were. Within in two years things began to fall apart. PM Rabin was assassinated and suicide bombings became the norm. Baruch Goldstein shot down innocent worshippers. Arafat proved to be a failure and was locked in his compound. The First Intifada was overshadowed by the Second Intifada and Israel continued to build settlements. Ariel Sharon entered a coma. Gilad Shalit was kidnapped and war broke out in Lebanon. Missiles crossed back and forth. Hamas rose in popularity. Sderot and southern Israel was bombarded for years, while Gaza was massively bombarded and still remains as an open-air prison.
To say the situation remains bleak is an understatement. Starting in June, I will divide my time between Istanbul and Tel Aviv, working on a book manuscript. I will have 14 months to reconnect before I come back to Brooklyn to work. I can no longer remain in self-exile, as I did during the Gaza War (see previous blog). During this year, I will have time to rethink strategies and ideologies. I will investigate how to make the situation better, if only by a little. Lastly, I will continue to search and grab onto any optimism I can find and search for a realistic settlement which suits both sides.
For now, I will not celebrate the Independence Day, and I will wait to see if next year brings us something more to celebrate about.
I remember when the Oslo Accords were declared and how hopeful so many of us were. Within in two years things began to fall apart. PM Rabin was assassinated and suicide bombings became the norm. Baruch Goldstein shot down innocent worshippers. Arafat proved to be a failure and was locked in his compound. The First Intifada was overshadowed by the Second Intifada and Israel continued to build settlements. Ariel Sharon entered a coma. Gilad Shalit was kidnapped and war broke out in Lebanon. Missiles crossed back and forth. Hamas rose in popularity. Sderot and southern Israel was bombarded for years, while Gaza was massively bombarded and still remains as an open-air prison.
To say the situation remains bleak is an understatement. Starting in June, I will divide my time between Istanbul and Tel Aviv, working on a book manuscript. I will have 14 months to reconnect before I come back to Brooklyn to work. I can no longer remain in self-exile, as I did during the Gaza War (see previous blog). During this year, I will have time to rethink strategies and ideologies. I will investigate how to make the situation better, if only by a little. Lastly, I will continue to search and grab onto any optimism I can find and search for a realistic settlement which suits both sides.
For now, I will not celebrate the Independence Day, and I will wait to see if next year brings us something more to celebrate about.
Monday, March 22, 2010
Home to Israelis and Palestinians: Jerusalem, a Shared City
Through his “slick” politics, Benjamin Netanyahu is doing more to ensure that Jerusalem will become the shared capital of Israel and Palestine than his “leftist” predecessors. I should make it clear that I made the transition to accepting the fate of Jerusalem years ago, while a student at Haifa University. Back then, in 1992, we, a group of Jews and Palestinians, declared this in unison. However, 18 years later there are still those who believe that it will remain in the sole hands of Israel--something no Palestinian in his right mind would accept.
During the last week or so, the issue of Jerusalem has been brought to the world’s attention due to the political maneuvering of the Israeli Prime Minister, who was “completely unaware” of the fact that just hours after his meeting with US Vice President Joe Biden, Shas party member Eli Yishai would publicly undermine his attempts to restart negotiations by announcing that Israel was planning the immediate construction of 1,600 housing units in East Jerusalem. What a blunder! What happened to the shock-and-awe politics of building settlements “quietly” and creating “facts on the ground,” before the US and others could get involved?
Well, Netanyahu has succeeded in creating a crisis between the US and Israel, and it looks like, for once, the US will draw the line: any expansion of settlements in the West Bank --including within the Jerusalem municipalities’ borders--is detrimental to the peace process and cannot be tolerated.
However, whether it is the Israeli government or the Jerusalem municipality, there are two other cases I would like to highlight that only exacerbate the problems of Palestinian-Israeli daily coexistence in Jerusalem. One is the ousting of 1948 Palestinians refugees from the neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah. These residents have lived in their homes since 1948. Recently, after Jews produced pre-1948 ownership records showing that the property actually belongs to them, eviction proceedings began against the Palestinian residents. Putting the legal issues aside, clearly the motivating factor behind the attempt to evict Palestinians is to strengthen the “Jewish” character of the city in the heart of Arab neighborhoods. Numerous other administrative and social initiatives are in place aimed at cleansing Jerusalem of its Palestinian population. Israeli pro-democratic movements should give priority to these issues and join forces with Palestinians.
The second case has to do with the controversy over the building of the Simon Wiesenthal Museum of Tolerance on the site of an ancient Muslim cemetery. This is a case where one finds oneself gasping at the shock of a museum that teaches tolerance and the history of the Holocaust setting out to erase the past of the “other.” While the Simon Wiesenthal Center denies that this is the case, the overwhelming evidence does not support their claims. Perhaps the Israeli government should start showing goodwill by intervening--first, to block the continued building of the museum, and second, to declare the cemetery a heritage site where Israeli and Palestinian children can learn about the history of those who graves date back perhaps even to the time of Saladin.
No one can deny Israel and the Jewish people’s connection to Jerusalem; however, the Palestinians also have a historical connection to the Holy City and are entitled to live in respect and dignity, and to self-rule in Jerusalem. Ironically, it is the Netanyahu government that is doing the most to help the world understand that Israel will one day have to relinquish parts of the city if there is ever to be peace. Without peace, Israel will face a continued uphill battle, not only to convince its children that this is the land in which they should remain, but also to convince the world that Israel is the state it portrays itself to be: one that longs for peace and promises a land where Jews can live in dignity and pride.
During the last week or so, the issue of Jerusalem has been brought to the world’s attention due to the political maneuvering of the Israeli Prime Minister, who was “completely unaware” of the fact that just hours after his meeting with US Vice President Joe Biden, Shas party member Eli Yishai would publicly undermine his attempts to restart negotiations by announcing that Israel was planning the immediate construction of 1,600 housing units in East Jerusalem. What a blunder! What happened to the shock-and-awe politics of building settlements “quietly” and creating “facts on the ground,” before the US and others could get involved?
Well, Netanyahu has succeeded in creating a crisis between the US and Israel, and it looks like, for once, the US will draw the line: any expansion of settlements in the West Bank --including within the Jerusalem municipalities’ borders--is detrimental to the peace process and cannot be tolerated.
However, whether it is the Israeli government or the Jerusalem municipality, there are two other cases I would like to highlight that only exacerbate the problems of Palestinian-Israeli daily coexistence in Jerusalem. One is the ousting of 1948 Palestinians refugees from the neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah. These residents have lived in their homes since 1948. Recently, after Jews produced pre-1948 ownership records showing that the property actually belongs to them, eviction proceedings began against the Palestinian residents. Putting the legal issues aside, clearly the motivating factor behind the attempt to evict Palestinians is to strengthen the “Jewish” character of the city in the heart of Arab neighborhoods. Numerous other administrative and social initiatives are in place aimed at cleansing Jerusalem of its Palestinian population. Israeli pro-democratic movements should give priority to these issues and join forces with Palestinians.
The second case has to do with the controversy over the building of the Simon Wiesenthal Museum of Tolerance on the site of an ancient Muslim cemetery. This is a case where one finds oneself gasping at the shock of a museum that teaches tolerance and the history of the Holocaust setting out to erase the past of the “other.” While the Simon Wiesenthal Center denies that this is the case, the overwhelming evidence does not support their claims. Perhaps the Israeli government should start showing goodwill by intervening--first, to block the continued building of the museum, and second, to declare the cemetery a heritage site where Israeli and Palestinian children can learn about the history of those who graves date back perhaps even to the time of Saladin.
No one can deny Israel and the Jewish people’s connection to Jerusalem; however, the Palestinians also have a historical connection to the Holy City and are entitled to live in respect and dignity, and to self-rule in Jerusalem. Ironically, it is the Netanyahu government that is doing the most to help the world understand that Israel will one day have to relinquish parts of the city if there is ever to be peace. Without peace, Israel will face a continued uphill battle, not only to convince its children that this is the land in which they should remain, but also to convince the world that Israel is the state it portrays itself to be: one that longs for peace and promises a land where Jews can live in dignity and pride.
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