A Tragedy of Negligence: the Soma Mine Disaster

Two days have passed since the Soma Mine disaster, with it occurring on May 13, 2014; a day that will go down in Turkish history as the day that the most miners, or for that fact workers, were killed at a work site. It is officially reported that 274 are dead, but many more are reported missing. 

Sadly, this disaster should come of no surprise since Turkey is no stranger to mine related accidents. In 1992, 263 miners were killed in a mine-related explosion, and just four years ago, 30 were killed. In fact, during the three year period of 2010-2013 a total of 293 died in mine accidents.

Since the tragedy first hit the news, much of the mainstream Turkish press has dragged its feet when it comes to releasing information concerning the numbers of dead. During the first night, in fact, it seemed that most of the press aligned itself with government wishes to keep the official numbers of dead lower than it actually was, perhaps in order to give it time to understand the full scope of the accident and to work out a plan of damage control.

Frustratingly, most of the Turkish public is still in the dark concerning what exactly happened in the mine, and how many people were actually in the mine at the time of the explosion, and are now missing, feared dead. In fact, similar to what happened in the major earthquake in 1999, it seems many Turkish people are highly suspicious of the the government's official statements, which have been issued by its Energy Minister, Taner Yildiz.

If the Turkish people thought Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, would provide some solace, they were wrong. Erdogan came to the mine, with a line of police and army to protect him, amidst the outrage of the bereaving families, who heckled him, at times shouting in unison, “government resign” and “murderer.”

Erdogan moved on to a press conference, which turned out to be much of a sham. He started it off in his usual way of scolding a journalist, this time an al-Jazeera correspondent, who asked a question about why the mine was allowed to operate, to which Erdogan replied: “I believe that you don’t follow closely how coal mines work around the world. It may be because there are natural gas reserves, but not coal mines in Qatar...”

He then went on a rant, giving a history of names around the world where mining accidents had happened during the last two centuries. As someone commented on Twitter, it was as if he was reading from a list on Wikipedia. In other words, Erdogan declared that the Soma Disaster was no more than a typical accident, sidestepping any government responsibility.

Erdogan even went so far as to compare the Soma Mine disaster to one in 1860’s England; I suppose the only comparison is that working in mines in Turkey, is very much like post-Industrial Revolution England or the United States, with workers having to work long hours in extremely dangerous conditions, for a pay that does not come close to meeting the worker’s needs.

In fact, the average miner in Turkey makes only around $500 a month in a job that Erdogan described just three years ago as entailing death as “destiny,” with miners well aware that death comes with the territory of the profession. The other similarity with 19^th century England is the fact that it was reported that a 15-year old child was among the dead workers; whether true or not, it highlights that child labor is still an issue in Turkey.

Most tragic of all however is that immediate following the mine explosion, all were reminded that the opposition CHP presented a motion for an inquiry into mine safety last October, and it was brought to the parliament floor just two weeks ago. Discussing the dangerous condition of the Soma mine, Ozgur Ozel, the MP from Manisa, which over sees the town of Soma, discussed mine safety on the parliament floor. However, the inquiry was voted down by the ruling AKP party. 

The CHP motion to check the safety of the Soma Mine
October 2013, voted down two weeks ago by AKP gov

The original parliamentary motion, which appears  here in Turkish, was translated partially in Hurriyet Daily News, which quoted the following section:

“We demand an investigation into all the mine accidents in Soma to reveal the reasons and those responsible for the deaths in those accidents, to find permanent solutions to preventing a repeat of these cases, and to measure the sufficiency of the law enforcement and auditing of these institutions…”

In other words, had the AKP not voted down this inquiry into safety measures at the Soma Mine, this tragic event could had been averted. However, Erdogan snubbed the thought of this, claiming in the press conference that the CHP motion, and parliamentary debate, was just a show, an insincere attempt at changing the political agenda of the day.

If things could not get worse, it did. As Erdogan left the press conference, the miners’ families were even more outraged at Erdogan’s lack of sympathy and his distancing the government away from responsibility. At one point, he had to take refuge in a market, due to the massive force of anger he and his entourage met in the city. The icing-on-the cake was when a young advisor of his was caught on camera taking a spontaneous kick at a mourning family member, as he was being detained by what seems to have been Gendarme officers. 

The day went on with protests of mourning being attacked both in Istanbul and Ankara with teargas and water cannons; a common site since last year Gezi protests. The fact that the first anniversary of last summer’s Gezi Park protest is coming up a little over two weeks from now, on May 31, also has some AKP pundits pondering if the Soma mine disaster was somehow a case of sabotage to ignite a new round of protests.

While some might think such a scenario would be beyond the capacity of rational thought, it makes sense due to the fact the Erdogan’s government and many of his hardcore supporters blame any grievance against the government as being part of world conspiracies, or encompassing ulterior motives to “overthrow” the government in a “civil” coup d’etat. Yes, the situation is that bad.

Just like the government relinquished any responsibility for the deaths in the Gezi Park protests, or has brushed aside claims of massive corruption as being the works of a “parallel state,” it seems that it too will work at all costs to cleanse it hands of any responsibility in the Soma Mine Disaster.

There is no doubt that the Energy Minister, Taner Yildiz, should step down immediately. He even proposed this option if it is found out that a 15-year old was indeed working in the mine. However, as I asked on twitter, should not the death of 274 workers be reason enough to resign? His continuing his position is a disgrace. These mines are under his jurisdiction.

As for Erdogan, he should do his utmost to put an end to the chaos he has created during the first day following the disaster, and for once step up to the plate and take responsibility. A good way to start is setting up an independent inquiry into what happened and investigate the incident to its core, since it is clear that this was not a "natural disaster", rather it was a disaster in the waiting. 

Time is of the essence. Families are suffering. A whole nation is in mourning.  

An Israeli Satire takes on the Word Apartheid

The popular Israeli satirical television program, Eretz Nehederet (A Wonderful Land, Israel Channel 2), in its show dedicated to Israel’s 66^th year of independence, breathed life into US Secretarty of State John Kerry’s comments that if Israel does not reach an agreement with the Palestinians, it runs the of risk becoming an “apartheid state.”  

While the “apartheid” word is not at all new to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, being used by Palestinians, and harsh critics of Israel, to describe the two-tiered system of law applied unequally to Jews and Palestinians, both in Israel and the Occupied Territories, for Israelis it is taboo. As a result, it was no surprise that Kerry, under pressure from Democrats and Republicans alike, clarified his words, retracting his statement, in an attempt to cool the growing brouhaha in Washington.

Even if Kerry’s words were received with total disdain by the Israeli government, it seems that for some Israelis it has opened a new space for public debate. This fact is confirmed not only by a number of articles which came out in Israel following John Kerry’s statement, such as one entitled “Is this not Apartheid,” by leftist Haaretz Columnist, Gideon Levy, who points out that similar to other “forbidden words,” its high time that this word now be introduced into the Israeli lexicon.  

Jumping on the bandwagon, Eretz Nehederet decided to take a bite of the forbidden fruit, using the “A-word” in a provocative mock interview held between the program’s newscaster (Eyal Kitzis) and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (Mariano Idelman), which was aimed at poking fun at the government’s inability, or lack of will, at moving forward on a peace agreement with the Palestinians.

The interview heats up when the newscaster asks (the pretend) Netanyahu what he thinks of Kerry’s apartheid statement, with Netanyahu trying to discard the claim of apartheid by using the “Holocaust” card, saying: “How can they say about us something to do with apartheid; especially now, only 6 days after Holocaust Memorial Day, and 359 days before the next Holocaust Memorial Day! I demand an apology from you!"

The newscaster then brings up on screen an automatic official worded apology, basically that highlights the fact that Israel is an apartheid state.

“During the television show, Eretz Nehederet, the term apartheid was used, which could be understood as if Israel is ruling two million people without civil rights; we apologize if any Jew has been offended by these words”

While Eretz Nehederet is known for striking up controversy, it seems that this episode hit another raw nerve, by also challenging Israeli politician's use of the Holocaust to stifle debate, as we saw in Netanyahu’s answer. In fact, in the same episode, the show mocked the current Minister of Education, Shai Piron’s decision to introduce Holocaust studies for children as young as first grade, in a skit that depicted a yellow Jewish star explaining the horrors of the Holocaust in a satirical way to a young child.

While some will brush off the show’s use of “apartheid” as just another attempt to force the show’s leftist agenda onto Israeli public at large, in an article on an Israeli internet website, Walla, Lilach Volach, praised the fact that after an uneventful season Eretz Nehederet decided to make some noise. She argues that even if it “took a stance that not everyone loves,” challenging the viewer “is the meaning of satire.” Volach goes on to remind that the show should kick at both the Israeli’s “right” and “left” side and “light a fire”  under the viewers’ comfortable chair.

Satire or not, it seems that the word apartheid is here to stay; while silenced in the US mainstream debate on Israel and Palestine, the fact that Eretz Nehederet touched upon it is another sign that it could become a central point of discussion in Israel. Perhaps, Lisa Goldman, in her recent article, which appears on the Israeli English news website, +972, explains it best, arguing that if this is not apartheid, then what is “a system by which a colonizing government has controlled 2.5 million people for 47 years, depriving them of their basic civil rights based on their ethnicity?”  

Recap of Turkish Local Elections: the Winners and the Losers*

Vote counting in a poll station in Tuzluçayir - Ankara; © 2014 - Piero Castellano

Last Sunday evening, from my home in Istanbul, I anxiously watched television exit polls to see if there would be any surprises concerning the Turkish local election results, even if I knew this would be unlikely. As ballot boxes started to open, it was clear there would be no major surprises. Turkish voters had once again given the AKP the strong lead they needed to declare victory, sweeping in most of the state's municipalities. [For background reading see following link] 

This was good news for the embattled Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who declared this election, as all other elections, a referendum on his performance. However, this time the stakes were much higher following last summer's Gezi Park protests, and the December 17 corruption probe, which linked him, his family, and government ministers, to massive corruption. In fact, he was subjected to a campaign, where numerous secret recordings emerged which revealed his shady business deals, and his continued meddling in the media. As a result, Erdogan struck back by banning both Twitter and Youtube, where these recordings were being shared. 

 People blocking policemen, elections officials inside of a school in
Seyranbaglari  - Ankara to prevent theft or destruction of ballots 2014 - Piero Castellano

Overall, while some expected Erdogan would be punished for corruption, this did not happen and perhaps should not be a surprise. A few months before the elections, I was lucky to have taken part in a lecture by Professor Ali Akarca, an University of Illinois professor, who works on comparative voting patterns. According to Akarca, in local elections, the incumbent party loses on average of 5%  from the previous parliamentary elections, and often voters do not change their vote solely based on the fact if a politician is corrupt. In fact, just days before the election, in an interview with Bugun newspaper, Akarca explained that if AKP gets over 42%, it will be clear the corruption charges would not be the reason behind decline in support, and would be most likely related to one's economic state. 

The final results are as follows: Erdogan’s AKP party received between 43-45% of the vote; the main opposition CHP raked in between 26-28%, while the nationalist MHP received between 16-18%; finally, the Kurdish BDP consolidated their votes in the Southeastern Kurdish regions with a total between 4-5%. 

A look at the maps below will show that the distribution of municipalities did not radically change from 2009 to 2014. The interior remains overall conservative-voting overwhelmingly for the AKP; the coastal regions, which are noticeably more liberal, voting for the CHP. Also, the distribution of MHP municipalities remained overall the same. Lastly, and obvious , is the fact that the Kurdish party remains strictly confined to the Southeastern region.

2009 local elections (based on municipalities)

In 2009 Map Blue=DSP (closet to CHP), Dark Blue= BBP (Nationalist party that broke away from MHP)

2014 Elections (Hurriyet)

Yellow=AKP, Red=CHP, Maroon=MHP, Blue=BDP, Grey=Independent Kurdish

Of course, the million-dollar question is how much were these numbers altered due to election rigging/fraud. Just days before the election, Professor Erik Tillman of DePaul University predicted a AKP victory of between 42-45%, which would be due to numerous factors, including election fraud. According to Tillman, the "Erdogan government has demonstrated a willingness to subvert the rule of law to increase its power and get its way. Unless you truly believe that Erdogan considers elections to be too sacred to corrupt, then you would have to expect him to continue the same behavior." 

It seems that Tillman was not so far off, with numerous or reports coming in of election fraud; such claims, became more critical in cities like Turkey's capital, Ankara, where it seems highly reasonable that without election rigging, the four-time AKP incumbent Melih Gokcek of Ankara, would have lost to the CHP candidate Mansur Yavas. In a post-election blog, Tillman tackles the question of electoral fraud in Ankara, and also looks at the work of Professor Eric Meyersson, an economist at Stockholm School of Economics, whose post-election analysis of electoral fraud in Ankara went viral. 

In fact, as I write this, almost a week after the elections, more ballots have been found in trash bins in Ankara, and despite this, all attempts of a recount have been denied by its election board. A similar case also exists in Antalya, where a recount has been blocked. Interestingly enough, while the CHP is unsuccessful at getting recounts, the AKP, in one district (Agri), has received a total of 15 recounts. 

 TOMA water cannon attacks crowd who gathered outside the Election Board Offices on Mithatpasa cd - Ankara, as they take shelter in the nearby Social Security building  © 2014 - Piero Castellano

Despite the allegations of fraud however, it should made clear that these cases seemed not to have radically changed the overall picture of the Turkish electorate's "national will," and was an attempt to keep the AKP's comfortable lead. Nevertheless, future research will be necessary to reach any sound conclusions.

In short, the post-elections situation is as follows: the local Turkish elections only reconfirms the extreme polarization of the Turkish electorate and in some sense will lead to the "same-old." On one hand, Erdogan will continue to consolidate powers and silencing dissent at all costs, while large parts of the opposition forces will continue to fight for their rights, being met with large doses of teargas and bans. In other words, with presidential elections ahead in August, and parliamentary ones, perhaps being moved from 2015 to the summer as well, Turkey still has a rocky-road to some political calmness. For a more analysis on the elections, I recommend looking at Selim Sazak's piece: Turkey: Atop a Power-Keg.        

The Winner and the Losers: 

Winners: 

Recep Tayyip Erdogan: He undoubtedly has retained his power despite a huge onslaught of leaked tapes and consistent world criticism. In fact, while the secret recordings that were emerging were certainly damning, exposing wide-spread corruption, it seems that the sheer numbers of tapes being released backfired, overwhelming the electorate. It seems likely that if Erdogan decides to run for the presidency, he will easily succeed in winning if he is able to convince the BDP to support his bid. Of course, Erdogan will most likely only run for president if he succeeds in transferring powers to the president, in a "putinization" of the Turkish system.

Peace and Democratic Party (BDP):

The Kurdish party, which is voicing demands of autonomy in Southeastern Kurdish regions, could not have envisioned a better outcome. Just a look on the map will show that they have secured a clear geographical block on the map.  While it seems hard to imagine that they will be able to secure the release of the jailed PKK leader, Abdullah Ocalan, or receive limited autonomy, this too will be a continued demand. With presidential elections in the forecast, their vote will be crucial for an Erodgan victory. It is still too early to see if the peace process will be a winner or a loser, as I will explain below.   

Mansur Yavas: A former member of the MHP, Yavas switched to CHP, running as the mayoral candidate for Ankara. Due to election fraud, he will probably not serve as mayor, even though there is a strong chance that he is the actual winner. He has inspired many, showed leadership, and if he plays his cards correctly, he is in a key position to lead a coalition against the AKP's continued hegemony.  

Losers:

National Will: In elections, every vote counts; in a civil society, voting is the highest form of participation. It is holy. By the election board blocking CHP's calls for a recount in such cities as Ankara, where serious claims have been made, it is clear that the greatest loser is the "milli irade," (national will).  By blocking a recount, it is clear that the national will only belongs to the victors, and the ones in power who can manipulate due process. Is justice for all too big of a demand?


CHP: Failing to reach 30% of the vote, its leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu will need to do some serious soul-searching. Only early parliamentary elections, which could come together with this summer's presidental elections, might save him; simply, due to the fact that a change in party leadership with so little time could do more damage than good. It seems likely that only a young dynamic leader will be able to bring this party to over 30% of the national vote.  

Mustafa Sarigul: While he carried out a good campaign as CHP candidate in Istanbul, it seems that CHP party members should get the message that if he attempts to get the leadership of the party, this will spell more loses for the CHP in the future. Sarigul is not the answer.

HDP: If the BDP thought that Sirri Sureyya Onder and Sebahat Tuncel would be able to create a left coalition that would offer a "third-way" in Istanbul, and other western regions of Turkey, they were flat wrong. I could be mistaken, but Onder's political career could be on the line; while, Tuncel seems that she will be able to survive this election failure. Placing their numbers aside, it just seems that they were not able to capture the imagination of potential voters, and even served keeping the AKP in power in such local municipalities as Beyoglu. 

Winner or loser? Too early to tell: 

The peace process: While the AKP has made serious steps at progressing Turkish-Kurdish reconciliation, through talks with jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, this process could be a loser. Unfortunately, due to Erdogan's polarizing politics, the fate of the process seems tied to his success. If he runs for president, he most likely will not be able to secure 50% of the vote without the support of the BDP, which will come with some heavy demands. In other words, the process will continue to be tied to behind-closed-door political deals and not a reconciliation process between Turkish and Kurdish populations, which certainly could backfire.  

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 *My special thanks to Piero Castellano, a photo-journalist who resides in Ankara for providing the photos! He can be followed on twitter at @pierocastellano